EDITORIAL: And Till We Win

There were 2,606 days between the Ojo-Aderemi-led protests of May 2017 and the Demonstrations that took place a little over a week ago. Within that time, there have been several significant protests: #NoTo100k in April 2018 – the outcome of which has steered the course of Health Professional Training Levy (HPTL) payment for years; the #EndASUUStrike Protests on May 11 and May 17th, 2022, and just this year, the four-man #FeesMustFall protest held at the inauguration ceremony of the UI’SU Executives and SRC members on May 13th, 2024, among others. But in the minds of many, these do not bear as much of an impact as that protest seven years ago. Something left UItes on Tuesday, May 30th, 2017. Something that many thought would never return. Not until last Tuesday. 

On that glorious Tuesday, when the University’s Senate convened to discuss the ‘students crisis’, little did anyone know that it would conclude with suspending the Students’ Union activities. Or that a legal battle would follow over the studentship of the ‘beardless boy’, then 200-level student, Ojo Aderemi, or that a loud silence would ensue, not borne out of choice, but by clampdowns on expression. Of course, the signs were there. The #FreeMOTE protests had occurred less than a year earlier, and students were still recovering from those seven weeks spent at home – difficult as that might be to believe. But no one expected a demonstration for valid concerns (ID Cards for examinations, restoration of SU’ properties, re-evaluation of hot plate use, constitution of a Welfare Board to address sundry welfare issues, etc.) to be misconstrued – again. And so when those events followed, it was assumed that that spirit was gone. 

Therefore, on the night of Tuesday, the 16th, when students marched in solidarity against the living conditions of the University of Ibadan, it was with more relevance than many such demonstrations in recent times. It was a unified, centralised protest coerced by the Authorities’ new electricity schedule. Students moved from Zik and Indy to the Vice Chancellor’s Lodge over by Social Sciences because of a shared interest. It was not a gathering for an insidious agenda or the face of another deeper-rooted issue. The terms were clear. By the night’s end, Congress resolutions, duly signed by the student representatives, proved so. 

Furthermore, it was significant in demonstrating where the strength of the Union lay, with students more than their leaders. Recall that the President of the Union had, less than 48 hours before, been handed a fine of 48 hours of community service and told to write an apology letter to the general student populace and the Students’ Representative Council for breaching the constitution and preventing Congress. Noticeably, the SRC Speaker, Rt. Hon. Busoye Matthias, was complicit in this regard. There had been calls for Congress from various quarters concerning the new fees and issues of students’ welfare. Students were in the dark. And the SU didn’t appear to be doing enough. Going by the resolutions of the same sitting, negotiations were scheduled to occur between July 15 and 18. But knowing how May 6, 2024, played out, there was little promise of a fruitful venture. 

All that changed with the actions of students that night. The strength of students was already manifesting way before the arrival of the Aluta Jet and the SU Executives. Coordination was optimal, and no violence or vandalism ensued. Students must remember that they aren’t a separate entity, only to be called on for Congress or during elections. The students are the Union. The Union is every last one of us. As long as students speak with one voice, the quality of the voice amplifier would be secondary, just based on the power of our collective strength. This isn’t for protests alone but extends to other aspects of our studentship: welfare, academics, policy-making, etc. We can not afford to wait on leaders all the time, especially since these leaders are comfortable with the cycles. On the night of the protest, certain present and past executives had to be coerced to stick to the cause. Now, imagine if they had to act without pressure. And if all the drive they had was the cries of students? Such an outcome as Tuesday’s and Wednesday’s would only be farfetched. 

Speaking of outcomes, the resolutions of the second meeting with Management on Wednesday, the 17th, and subsequent memo releases are commendable in their own right. The issues of compulsory GES textbooks and the Alexander Brown Hall’s incessant power outage stand out for obvious reasons; the suspension of school fees payment, non-victimisation of the UI-3 and re-negotiation with the Governing Council even more. It’s almost hard to believe that if things had stayed the same, UItes would have less than two weeks to pay fees. The demonstration might then have taken a melancholic form, with students stranded, out of the lecture theatres they would have so loved to occupy. 

Greatest UItes, the battle is far from over. Last Wednesday, the Deputy Vice Chancellor, Professor Olapegba, mentioned that the Governing Council would meet ‘very soon’ to address the fee hike. Such a statement implies that the meeting would be based on their availability and not the immediacy of our concerns. The suspension of school fee payments also leaves students who had paid in the dark, even though this goes against the Union’s prior announcement. In both situations, the Students Union must stay resilient in demanding well-defined resolutions. We need to rehash the sensitivity of the problems and how vital it is that students know what exactly it is that’s being paid for, and soon. There’s no point sustaining a demonstration for two days if students are plunged into an even worse quagmire. 

There must also be a clear definition of demands with regard to fees. Reversal of inflated fees differs from cancellation of duplicated fees, which also differs for adequate justification for accommodation fees. It’s easy to lump them all together and lose sight of the goal. But that would be a pyrrhic victory. Representatives on the SRC floor owe it to their constituents to itemise these separately. In releases from the Union, there must also be a clear-cut separation of these demands. We lend credence to the ‘#TillWeWin’ motto by making dynamic efforts to win, not sticking with all that went on before. Sensitisation is paramount at this point. On the Union’s social media pages and the platforms of sister bodies, there must be constant mention of the need for clarity in this regard. Students must be made to understand all that is left to achieve with the cause. It is not over yet. 

We must model the message of solidarity by sticking up for the students on the front lines. Division settles in when we make it an ‘us vs them’ situation. Or, even worse, reduce the movement to one just for some students. Aluta is not an aesthetic. No one enters the world with a sign on their forehead stating they are the chosen one. And so, for the few who have chosen to lead, we must support however we can. 

In light of the protests, it has become apparent — once again — that the role of the Press in the University of Ibadan is a non-negotiable one. Local press organisations are the custodians of information and a voice for all that affects students. Reporters were on the ground at all times, and even more than a week later, stories highlighting just how far-reaching the effects of these protests are, remain in circulation. It’s vital that we uphold the tenets of journalism in all that is written, said, and published. Speed, with accuracy. Impact, over shock value. We owe it to all who have gone on before, from the days of the Union’s founding to the generation of Campus Journalists at the height of the clampdowns on SU Activities — who themselves are slowly defining the nation’s pulse — to stay steadfast.

For all in the University, the charge from the Fourth Estate is simple: Stay on the course. It’s not done yet.

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